QADHAFI MUST GO NOW

In light of the role of stability in promoting Western interests, we have an enormous stake in the outcome of the Arab Spring. Going forward, the regional stability we seek to advance our interests can only be sustained if the processes of democratic reform advance. When there is a gap between the government and the needs and ambitions of the people, states grow more brittle and less stable. In the long run, governments that are responsive to their people are the best guarantors of stability, and the best partners for the West. http://venitism.blogspot.com/
James Steinberg asserts the international community is increasingly united around a shared insistence that Qadhafi must go. Last week's Contact Group – with the participation of 22 nations and representatives from the UN, Arab League, NATO, EU, OIC and GCC—issued its most forceful statement yet, including that ¯Qadhafi, his family and his regime have lost all legitimacy. They must go so that the Libyan people can determine their own future.
Turkey and Greece, once important partners to Qadhafi's Libya, have now joined the chorus of nations demanding that he leaves immediately. The British, Italians and French are expelling Qadhafi's diplomats, as USA did in March. And USA is urging other nations to refuse their visits unless Qadhafi's envoys are either defecting or coming to discuss his departure.
The West is taking a wide range of steps to send a clear, forceful message to Qadhafi and those around him that there is no going back to the way things were. They now face a no-fly zone, an arms embargo, asset freezes, and travel bans. Libya's National Oil Corporation and central bank are blacklisted. The United States and other countries are also taking further unilateral steps to tighten the squeeze on regime officials and regime-affiliated banks, businesses and satellite networks. This week, the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court announced that he intends to apply for arrest warrants for three senior officials in Qadhafi's regime ¯ who bear the greatest criminal responsibility for crimes against humanity.
These measures are having an effect. the West has deprived the regime of funds and assets that could be used to support attacks against the Libyan people. Libya used to export 1.3 million barrels of oil per day. That has stopped, and the regime is having difficulty accessing refined petroleum. There are some indications that the regime can no longer afford to pay supporters to attend rallies and demonstrations. The longer international sanctions stay in place, the more the pressure will mount.
Steinberg points out that protecting civilians remains at the core of Western mission. The West is engaged in robust humanitarian efforts to help those in need inside Libya and those who have fled the violence. Uncle Sam is providing more than $53 million in humanitarian assistance, which helps to evacuate and repatriate third-country nationals, care for refugees on Libya's borders and deliver food and medicine. The international community has already contributed, committed or pledged $245 million. The West continues to look for additional ways to support humanitarian operations in response to the Libyan crisis.
Unfortunately, the Qadhafi regime has tried to block the delivery of desperately-needed humanitarian assistance. The brave people of Misrata have withstood a month-long siege as well as repeated incursions, assaults and atrocities. Qadhafi has blocked water, gas, and electricity. And this week, his regime laid anti-ship mines in Misrata's harbor in a failed attempt to block humanitarian aid and medical evacuations. What has happened in Misrata is an outrage. Despite Qadhafi's best efforts, the West has now established a safe route for assistance to reach Misrata and its people.
We salute the determination and resilience of the Libyan people in and around Misrata. We are inspired by the way they have stepped forward to protect and care for their neighbors who managed to escape from areas under attack. We are also proud that NGOs have provided much needed medical personnel and supplies to these cities, despite Qadhafi's attacks.
Steinberg asserts Qadhafi knows what he needs to do. The violence must end and the threats must stop. His troops must withdraw from the cities they have entered. Humanitarian goods must be allowed to move freely and vital services must be restored. Qadhafi must go to allow the people of Libya to chart their own future.
Western approach is one that has succeeded before. In Kosovo, we built an international coalition around a narrow civilian protection mission. Even after Milosevic withdrew his forces and the bombing stopped, the political and economic pressure continued. Within two years, Milosevic was thrown out of office and turned over to The Hague.
Steinberg understands the desire for quick results, and of course he shares it. But history teaches us that patience and persistence can pay off. We have already seen international pressure change the calculations of some of Qadhafi's closest advisors, who have defected. It is impossible to predict which step will tip the balance.
Steinberg points out the way forward is not easy. It will take sustained effort. And it will take continued close consultation with all concerned. West knows what needs to happen. And so it is using as many tools and levers as it can to bring about the ultimate objective: the end of Qadhafi's rule and a new beginning for a peaceful, democratic Libya.
The West remains steadfast in our commitment to advancing our core interests in the region and defending the security of our allies. And we are explicit about our interests: We seek a comprehensive peace between Israel and its neighbors. We seek to combat terrorism and the dark ideologies of extremist groups. We seek to stop Iran's illicit nuclear activity and curb its destabilizing influence in the region. We seek to cement a long-term partnership with an Iraq that is peaceful, sovereign, self-reliant, and reintegrated into the Arab world. We seek to maintain the continued flow of critical energy resources to the global economy. And we seek broad-based prosperity. Regional stability has always been a key factor in our ability to channel energies and marshal coordination in service of all these goals.
Catherine Ashton points out the uprisings across the Arab world pose great challenges for Europe, but also opportunities we cannot afford to miss. Two principles have to underpin what we do. The first is that we in Europe know how long and painful the journey towards liberty can be. Our own path to 20th century liberal democracy was a very slow one. The EU itself was born in the ashes of conflicts that remind us how terrible life can be when democracy breaks down. Add into that the mixed record of Europe's empires, and some humility is in order, even as we assert that democracy is the necessary foundation of human progress.
Second, democracy is of course about votes and elections – but it is also about far more than that. What we in Europe have learned the hard way is that we need deep democracy: respect for the rule of law, freedom of speech, respect for human rights, an independent judiciary and impartial administration. It requires enforceable property rights and free trade unions. It is not just about changing governments, but about building the right institutions and the right attitudes. In the long run, surface democracy, democracy that floats on the top – people casting their votes freely on election day and choosing their governments – will not survive if deep democracy fails to take root. http://venitism.blogspot.com/